Introduction 1
Increasingly, religion plays a significant role in the rehabilitation of inmates across the US and Canada. People in the US and Canada are increasingly reconsidering their religious and spiritual identities (Thiessen and Wilkins-Lafamme 2020). Incarcerated individuals are no exception. 2 Still, the corrections populations in these countries have become more diverse in terms of religion and ethnicity. While the religious landscape in US and Canadian prison settings is vast and varied, there remains relatively little attention toward Islam and Islamophobia within these settings. 3
While there is no shortage of literature on the effects of religion within penal institutions, there is a lacuna of scholarship dealing with Islam in carceral spaces. 4 American and Canadian prisons offer unique opportunities to understand the relationship between Muslim chaplains and the prison experience more broadly.
Based upon a substantive review of the literature, our article will examine ongoing challenges of chaplaincy within US and Canadian prisons. Broadly, findings suggest that existing structures for religious services for Muslim inmates 5 are neither unified nor systemic, often lacking in funding and resources. Moreover, we argue Muslim chaplains often perceive inequitable treatment by prison authorities due to their historic underrepresentation as well as their religious affiliation. 6 Our discussion will highlight the disparities in penal settings and make recommendations which include, but are not limited to the need to increase public investment in prison chaplaincy, the need to pay imams-as-chaplains a living wage to help prisoners, and the deradicalization effects of a well-funded and well-trained Muslim chaplaincy.
The Dimensions and Discussions of Islamophobia 7
While Islamophobia continues to garner increased attention in academic circles, very little work has examined its existence and function within penal institutions. The dimensions of Islamophobia are too numerous for our purposes here, but we find it useful to briefly discuss the etymology of the term before delving into its manifestation behind the walls of correctional facilities. While the term “Islamophobia” has long been in use, it was first popularized in the British Runnymede Trust Report titled “Islamophobia: A Challenge for All of Us,” published in 1997. In it, the authors defined Islamophobia as an “unfounded hostility towards Islam. It refers also to the practical consequences of such hostility in unfair discrimination against Muslim individuals and communities, and to the exclusion of Muslims from mainstream political and social affairs” (p. 4). Over time, this definition has been challenged, and has subsequently evolved due to inherent inadequacies. For instance, the Runnymede definition neglects to acknowledge the fact that individuals who are racialized as Muslims may also face the consequences of Islamophobia, without being Muslims (Awan and Zempi 2018). This was evident in many instances of Islamophobic violence against members of the Sikh and Indian communities in the United States, Canada, and Europe, where perpetrators mistakenly believed their victims to be Muslim (Basu 2016), and thus chose to victimize them.
The Runnymede report laid out a set of distinctions related to open (positive) and closed (negative) views of Islam; the former being akin to Islamophilia and the latter, Islamophobia. Islamophilia is often a byproduct of or reaction to Islamophobia, sharing a similar orientalist view of Islam which depicts it as a monolithic “Other” through a xenocentric lens (Shryock 2007). These paradoxes are important to note because they are reflected throughout the narrative of the American Muslim chaplain whose interview is discussed later in this chapter. The Runnymede report presented eight distinctions, but our analysis will focus on those salient to our discussion with the chaplain. According to the report, Islam is viewed as:
Monolithic/diverse
Separate/interacting
Inferior/different
Enemy/partner
Manipulative/sincere
Criticism of West rejected/considered
Discrimination defended/criticized
Islamophobia seen as natural/problematic.
There remains relatively little attention towards islamophobia in prison, especially how it functions within prison environments (for a discussion, see Asfari, Gacek and Shuraydi 2004). This includes, but is not limited to, islamophobia and its impacts upon correctional staff perceptions of incarcerated Muslims; first-hand prison Imam experiences, especially as they relate to their praxis and/or volunteerism; and the benefits and challenges of Islam for incarcerated and post-release Muslim communities. Notwithstanding, we recognize changes in overall Western society since 9/11, changing (and sustained) biases against Muslims and those appearing to be Muslim (Awan and Zempi 2015), and changes in the demographics of Muslims in the US as American-Muslims become a multigenerational, rather than a primarily refugee and immigrant population (Asfari, Gacek and Shuraydi 2024).
Islam in Prison 8
Islam is one of the fastest growing religions in the world, and this growth is reflected in the number of Muslim prisoners in correctional facilities. 9 As Bowers (2009, 193) contends “[i]nmates are often attracted to Islam because they meet other Muslim inmates whose character they admire.” Moreover, Muslim inmates find that “their religiosity separates them from prison culture and provides an inner strength to overcome incarceration” (Bowers 2009, 193). Conversion to Islam, according to Bowers (2009, 193), is conceived of as a rebirth; “new Muslims often choose a new name, change their style of dress, and commence daily prayer and study. Notions of morality, of halal and haram, in regard to diet, dress, prayer, cleanliness, and sexuality, simultaneously separate the convert from his [sic] overseers and connect him [sic] to the ummah, or global community.” Yet, while the experience of being in prison can be challenging for anyone, for Muslim prisoners, the unique challenges and stresses of being a minority within the prison system can have a profound impact on their mental health (Asfari and Gacek forthcoming).
According to a report by the Bureau of Justice Statistics, the number of Muslim prisoners in the United States has increased by nearly 75 percent between 2000 and 2010, with Muslims comprising 6 percent of the total prison population in 2010 (Maruschak, Berzofsky, and Unangst 2015). This growth has put a spotlight on the need for tailoring services and providing accommodations to the unique cultural and religious needs of Muslim prisoners. Recent estimates suggest that Islam is the third largest religion in the United States, with nearly 20 percent being black, while another 58 percent are first-generation Americans (Mohamed and Diamant 2019). This suggests that any representation of Muslims within a carceral space is likely to be from minoritized communities, be they black or from an immigrant background. Moreover, many imprisoned persons become Muslim through conversion during their stay.
One of the key challenges facing Muslim prisoners is the lack of access to spiritual support and guidance. As indicated above, in Islam, prayer and other religious practices are an integral part of daily life, and being denied the ability to engage in these practices can have a profound impact on a person’s mental health (Asfari and Gacek forthcoming). Furthermore, many Muslim prisoners may feel isolated from their communities and cut off from their religious support networks, which can lead to feelings of isolation and depression (Bowers, 2009).
To address these challenges, some prisons have implemented programs that provide access to religious materials, such as Qurans and prayer mats, and have set aside dedicated prayer spaces for Muslim prisoners. Unfortunately, Muslim and other minority faith prisoners do not have religious texts and materials readily available in prisons; because religious texts and materials cannot be supplied by prisons for all faith groups, “minority faith chaplains rely on contributions from faith communities to ensure that prisoners have access to relevant materials” (Abdulkadir 2018, 21-22; see also Abdulkadir and Long 2021). Notwithstanding, these programs can help to provide spiritual support and a sense of connection to their faith for Muslim prisoners.
Service Provision
In a recent report titled “Fulfilling the Promise of Free Exercise for all” (2019), researchers examined the historical development and impact of legal decisions on state prisoners who were Muslim in the US. They traced the important role that Muslim prisoners played in litigating at the state and federal levels and how this litigation has proved to be beneficial to members of all faith groups, specifically those “unfamiliar” (Muslim Advocates 2019, 12). In considering the history of slavery in America, we must consider the role that Muslim slaves from the African West Coast (where many enslaved persons were taken). Many of these enslaved persons spoke Arabic, practiced Islam, and even adhered to Islamic attire and dietary laws—whenever they could. The struggles of these enslaved Africans to maintain their identity and pass it on to their progeny, began a legacy of seeking religious freedom in captivity which laid the groundwork for Muslim inmates in the 1960s and 1970s and continues today.
While legal advances were made regarding prison conditions, incarcerated Muslim litigants continue to face significant challenges. Moreover, researchers, drawing from a sample of 35 jurisdictions, have estimated that in some of the state systems Muslim prisoners account for nearly 20 percent of all inmates. However, across the entire sample, only 9 percent identified as Muslim, slightly lower than the BOP, where nearly 12 percent of prisoners identified as Muslim (Muslim Advocates 2019, 15). These figures suggest that Muslims are overrepresented in US prisons and stand in clear contrast to the 1 percent representation across the US. Incarcerated Muslim women are increasingly overrepresented in state institutions. Such disparities in faith-based services persist within male and female institutions but are heightened within the latter.
Consider the hijab (head covering worn by many practicing Muslim women). Institutional policies that hinder the wearing of head gear by deeming it to be a security threat, are often found to be accommodating of non-Muslims head gear. 10 Moreover, there are sensitivities surround the hijab and Muslim women in general, given the high regard placed upon modesty. Muslim women who wear the hijab report forced removal by correctional staff, or the forced searches by male staff which often compel women to remove their head covering. Also, incarcerated Muslim women often find themselves relegated to second-class status even when it comes to chaplaincy services, such as congregational Friday prayers, or gender-specific services based on their needs (Asfari, Gacek and Shuraydi 2024). Such needs include mental health care, counseling and therapy related to past trauma, sexual as well as substance abuse issues.
Services that are important to incarcerated Muslims include daily prayer, religious attire, congregational Friday prayer (with sermon), the provision of halal (religiously permissible) food, work proscriptions that are religiously acceptable (e.g., not forcing Muslims to cook pork), religious property (e.g., access to Qurans and religious texts, prayer rugs, etc.), as well as work exemptions for religious services, to include alternate work schedules for fasting inmates during Ramadan. Lastly, ensuring that funerary services are handled in accordance with the inmate’s Islamic teachings.
The aforementioned provisions for incarcerated Muslims will help to meet the needs of inmates as well as the institution. Inmates whose needs are met will be less inclined to violence because of the related conditions such as overall improvement in mental health and more professional interactions with prison staff (Asfari and Gacek forthcoming). Moreover, religious affiliation is often inversely related to drug use (Jones et al. 2018). Given the complex relationships between religiosity and other factors known to mitigate the pains of imprisonment, as well as the rise in Muslim prisoners, it behooves state and federal prisons to incorporate robust chaplaincy programs. Elsewise, these institutions risk undermining their stated missions to rehabilitate prisoners and reintegrate them into society.
The Challenges of Minority Faith Chaplaincy
To understand the role of religion within the carceral sphere, we must understand the historical importance that religion has played in the reform of prisoners. Indeed, the bedrock of corrections in much of the western world is intimately tied to religious reform (Atkins 2021). In ancient societies, religion was often closely intertwined with the legal system and punishment for criminal behavior was seen as a matter of divine justice. In many ancient cultures, offenders were required to make sacrifices or perform certain rituals in order to appease the gods and seek forgiveness for their crimes.
During the medieval period, religion continued to play a significant role in prisoner reform. Many European societies were heavily influenced by Christianity, and religious institutions such as monasteries and convents often served as places of detention for offenders (Clark 2009). These religious communities often sought to reform offenders through spiritual guidance and moral instruction.
In modern times, religion has continued to play a role in prisoner reform, particularly within the prison system. Almost all major religions endorse offender rehabilitation, recommend ways to facilitate re-entry into society, and promote desistance from criminal and other antisocial behaviors (Stansfield et al. 2017). Maintaining equal religious facilitation and services for a diverse incarcerated population is a challenging task for correctional institutions. Many prisons offer religious services and programs, such as chaplaincy services and Bible study groups, as a means of helping offenders reform and reintegrate into society upon release (Asfari, Gacek and Shuraydi 2024). These programs are often seen as a way to provide offenders with a sense of purpose and meaning, as well as a supportive community that can help them make positive changes in their lives. 11
Since the early years, correctional chaplains have been employed to provide counselling and education for incarcerated individuals. Early efforts to address religious diversity in Canadian prisons were primarily limited to supporting the religious practices and needs of Protestants and Roman Catholics (Beckford and Cairns 2015). 12 However, times changed in the correctional-religious landscape; over time correctional institutions have had to adjust to better serve both a diverse religious population, including a religiously diverse prison population. The role of chaplains in mitigating the harshness of incarceration has been suggested by several studies (Denney 2018; Park and Ramírez-Johnson 2021). In one study of a U.S. federal prison, a resident chaplain suggested that Muslim inmates act as a stabilizing force within the prison (Asfari, Gacek and Shuraydi 2024). In citing a Pew Research study, Denny (2018) articulates the importance of, and connection between, religious and mental health services. Results from this study suggest that 81 percent of chaplains believed “that treatment for substance abuse or mental health problems in prison was critical” (emphasis in original). However, this study presents mixed results when it comes to the effectiveness of chaplains. Specifically, nearly half (45 percent) of chaplains surveyed rated their facility’s availability of self-improvement programs as fair/poor, while 54 percent rated their facility’s ability to prepare inmates for successful re-entry as fair/poor (Pew Research as cited in Denny 2018). Professional Muslim chaplains, otherwise known as “Prison Imams,” are instrumental in mediating incarcerated Muslim individuals’ behaviors and stressors; with extensive Islamic education, these chaplains provide unparalleled guidance to the incarcerated community (Bowers, 2009). As Bowers (2009, 189) contends:
Most correctional institutions still lack residential imams for their Muslim population. Without a leader, inmates take on the role of imams, leading services, counseling, and often acting as liaison in times of conflict. Often inmate imams are older and serving longer sentences than their ‘brothers.’ [sic] Their leadership role provides them with the solace of that they are help those fortunate to have another chance to succeed in becoming successful and happy. 13
Studies of Muslim chaplains remain at their infancy. Much of what we know about Muslim chaplains comes from Europe, especially the United Kingdom as well as Canada. In those systems, chaplaincy remains biased in favor of Christian denominations (Bowers 2009; Abdulkadir 2018; Abdulkadir and Long 2021; Ammar, Shoemaker, Cesaroni and Oullet 2023; Asfari, Gacek and Shuraydi 2024). Notwithstanding, the structural barriers, cultural competence in the unique issues faced by Muslims, be they Indigenous or from immigrant or refugee backgrounds, is of critical importance in building trust and social capital (Ahmed and Reddy 2007).
Abdulkadir’s (2018) work remains essential to exploring some of the challenges of prison chaplaincy in Canada (see also Abdulkadir and Long 2021). Canadian federal prison chaplaincy underwent a major shift in 2013, when the then Federal Justice Minister Vic Toews announced that to reduce costs in federal corrections, the provision of prison chaplaincy services would be privatized and outsourced to a single for-profit company. As Abdulkadir (2018, 2) contends, a common criticism of the new private model of federal prison chaplaincy services is that non-Christian federal prisoners would have a higher degree of difficulty in accessing relevant religious services, and concerns were also raised about whether private companies are in the best position to hire and oversee chaplains “belonging to faith traditions that the organization may not be closely familiar with.”
In an effort to understand how the transition to prison chaplaincy privatization has impacted minority faith chaplains in federal correctional institutions, Abdulkadir (2018) conducted interviews with ten Muslim, Jewish, and other minority faith prison chaplains who served or previously served in Canadian federal correctional institutions. The major themes that arose from Abdulkadir’s (2018) study (and then reflected upon in Abdulkadir and Long 2021) include (1) increased bureaucratization (i.e. increased regulations for time allocation, communication, reporting policies, etc.) negatively impacted the ability of minority faith chaplains to provide adequate and effective spiritual care for minority faith inmates; (2) reduced resources (i.e., reductions in income, and reductions in funding for books, materials, and mileage, etc.) made it more difficult for minority faith chaplains to provide relevant resources and support to minority faith inmates; and (3) minority faith chaplain emotional exhaustion from the new privatized model, including but not limited to feeling frustration, demoralization, and increased anxiety over job security.
In a more recent study, Akça and colleagues (2023) examine the experiences of 25 interfaith chaplains across seven focus groups in five Canadian provinces, exploring the unique and challenging experiences of chaplains’ work in Canadian prisons. While this study does not focus specifically upon Islam in carceral spaces, it does supplement the need to better grasp the challenges impacting minority faith chaplains as they connect to a growingly diverse prison population. In Akça and colleagues’ (2023) study, common themes that emerged from these experiences included a non-judgmental approach to their clients; the joy and satisfaction they felt when doing their job; the challenge of the low ratio of chaplains to prisoners; the difficult working conditions within the prison facilities themselves; and the lack of understanding from correctional authorities regarding a prison chaplain’s role and subsequent undervaluing (Akça et al. 2023). As the authors suggest, recognizing these experiences while also addressing these challenges “is crucial to [ensuring] that chaplains can effectively carry out their duties and provide support to prisoners” (Akça et al. 2023, 13).
Progressing and promoting religious and/or spiritual programs in prison also means questioning the ongoing privatization of prisons generally and/or prison services specifically. 14 As Abdulkadir (2018, 48) contends, “[w]hile minority faith prisoners’ lack of access [to services] is an unintended consequence of privatization, it is a real and present issue that is further marginalizing an already marginalized population.” Hannah-Moffat (2004) calls upon researchers and policymakers to identify and resist systems that discriminate against incarcerated minorities and women. Commercial interests often conflict with an ethic of service in the prison; when the potential for financial gains is present, human welfare becomes a secondary matter (Abdulkadir 2018; see also Sparks and Gacek 2019). As Aviram (2014, 433) suggests, a “privatization mentality” has become legitimated and much more pervasive and intrusive, “to the point that it is no longer easy, or sensible, to draw firm distinctions between private and public prisons.” What this indicates, according to Sparks and Gacek (2019, 386), is an interest “toward a particular predominant penal sensibility, one that ingrains itself into penal systems and cultures and is successful at least by analogy with an evolutionary process of speciation (it adapts and survives), whether or not it is also successful on a strictly penological evaluation.” In effect, whether and in what ways prisons are interweaving privatization into their operations and services must be continuously investigated and critiqued, lest there be a chilling effect upon minority faith prisoners (i.e. Muslims) to seek out and receive meaningful support for religious or spiritual accommodation. While Abdulkadir (2018) provides pivotal research on the intersection between federal corrections and the privatization of minority faith (i.e. Muslim) chaplaincy, future research could explore this intersection as well. 15
Recommendations and Ways Forward 16
The governments of Canada and the United States have ethical responsibilities to ensure that the rights of its most marginalized citizens are upheld. Unfortunately, decisions by these governments to privatize federal prison chaplaincy services particularly disadvantages minority faith prisoners by reducing their access to relevant religious and/or spiritual services. When one considers the types of accommodations prisoners require in their daily lives, we must remain mindful of how accommodations and services are to be provided to this underserved and already marginalized population. Reflecting upon earlier work (Abdulkadir 2018), Abdulkadir and Long (2021, 7) contend:
Prison chaplaincy is a difficult and emotionally taxing profession even in the best of working conditions. Reductions in pay, funding, and rigid working conditions further disincentivize qualified prison chaplains from working with federal corrections. When chaplains are not effectively supported, their ability to provide meaningful spiritual services to prisoners becomes hindered. Of the four participants who no longer serve as prison chaplains, three explicitly stated that they quit because of the rigid structures imposed after privatization. […] The absence of these experienced prison chaplains is a loss for the prisoners they supported and for the correctional system within which they served.
It is clear from work discussed above that an increased public investment in prison chaplaincy is necessary for corrections systems going forward. While certainly the need to pay imams-as-chaplains a living wage would be effective in terms of the immediate needs of the imams, the long-term benefit of having imams’ wisdom, guidance and teachings for prisoners cannot be understated.
Alongside the current focus of our article is a discussion regarding whether prisons can be sites of radicalization. 17 Without having the proper space to engage in this conversation, we recognize how several scholars see it as a concern (Roy 2017; Wilner 2010) while others suggest prison radicalization has been exaggerated (Jones 2014; Khrosrokhavar 2013). Bucerius and colleagues (2022) examine the relationships between prison subcultures and prison radicalization based on semi-structured qualitative interviews with 148 incarcerated men and 131 correctional officers from four western Canadian prisons. The majority of the respondents in their study “immediately envisioned Muslim-affiliated groups like ISIS when discussing radicalization” (Bucerius, Shultz, and Haggerty 2022, 13). Moreover:
[a]though Muslim participants reported facing suspicion from their peers about the sincerity of their religious adherence, that was not necessarily different from those who conspicuously observed other forms of religion. In the day-to-day operations of the prison, however, both incarcerated men and correctional officers drew attention to the ostensible connection between Islam and terrorism (Bucerius, Shultz, and Haggerty 2022, 13).
Bucerius and colleagues (2022: 18) go on to state that although participants frequently “reproduced the media framing of radicalization as a ‘Muslim thing,’ most non-Muslim incarcerated people accepted or were indifferent toward Muslim men on their units. Such approval involved drawing comparison between the ‘good Muslims’ they knew and the semi-mythical ‘bad Muslim terrorists’.” While no one dismisses the possibility of prison radicalization, we still feel it necessary to ensure well-funded and well-trained Muslim chaplains are present in prison settings to assist in deradicalization efforts, despite the low probability of prison radicalization in North America and Europe (Decker and Pyrooz 2019; Hamm 2009; Useem and Clayton 2009).
As we have discussed elsewhere (Asfari and Gacek forthcoming), how religion in prison spaces functions differently across racialized, gendered and faith groups, and that the taken-for-granted assumption of religion as static in its effect is indeed in need of problematizing. Current chaplains and correctional staff would greatly benefit from a general framework that combines appropriate religious programming with mental health support. In terms of the former, Bowers (2009) contends that establishing a teaching model and a set of ground rules that promote accurate Islamic thought and practice will give chaplains, religious contractors, and interfaith volunteers the freedom to educate and discuss topics of their choice without any confusion as to the appropriate teachings of Islamic doctrines for inmates. How and the ways in which the former connects to the latter remains a topic of warranted interest in future research.
Additionally, how gender and faith influence experiences within prison and post-release shines a light on the unique combination of marginalization Muslim prisoners face. Given the intersections of marginalization in prison, greater attention must be paid towards this specific population and their gendered experiences. Moving forward, we welcome greater discussions focusing upon how incarceration and religiosity for Muslim women work for them and act in entirely different ways than Muslim men. The challenges Muslim women experience in terms of prison needs and service delivery, coupled with the stigma and shame they experience from their communities once they exit the prison, merit warranted exploration. This also raises questions regarding 2SLGBTQ+ prisoners who also identify as Muslim, and how gender identity and expression intersects with racialized prisoners and their experiences of access to meaningful religious and/or spiritual services. For example, in December of 2020, Statistics Canada recognized that 2SLGBTQ+ communities have been disproportionately disadvantaged throughout the COVID-19 pandemic including through higher risks of financial insecurity, and higher risks of a lack of access to safe and secure housing (Prokopenko and Evans 2020). Compounding these concerns with racialization and marginalization, incarcerated Muslims and their post-release counterparts who identify with the 2SLGBTQ+ community face an ongoing barrage of hurdles to overcome.
In sum, our article both represents and supplements ongoing discussions which highlight prison Imam experiences, and the impact and consequences these have upon incarcerated Muslims. As Abdulkadir and Long (2021, 8) remind us:
Privatization has contributed to increased standardizations of religious services at the expense of equitability. Those seeking spiritual care and support within federal prisons, unlike those who are in universities, the military, or hospitals, are severely constrained by their circumstances and limited in their ability to receive alternative sources of religious and spiritual support from within and beyond their institutions. As such, the efforts of correctional chaplains must be more effectively supported.
The importance of prison chaplain service delivery to this underserved group should not be forgotten, and greater empirical exploration of prison Imam experiences remain timely and warranted in equal measure.